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The Sexual Division of Labor and Democracy

Divisão Sexual do Trabalho e Democracia

Flávia Biroli brings unequal time and income from domestic labor into democratic theory, locating barriers to participation before people enter political institutions.

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Research notes

Political inequality begins before someone reaches a polling place or campaign office. Flávia Biroli’s 2016 article combines feminist political theory with evidence situated in Brazil to examine how domestic work, income and free time shape access to public power. Household arrangements are conditions of democracy rather than private background to it.

Two premises and a political relationship

The argument develops two related premises: the sexual division of labor grounds gender hierarchies, and those hierarchies vary with women’s racial and class positions. Its central hypothesis concerns how unequal domestic responsibilities restrict access to time and income, affecting the possibilities and forms of political participation.

This means more than saying women are busy. Uninterrupted evenings, unpaid organizing and travel to meetings require someone to maintain everyday life. A better-resourced woman’s political opportunity may be enabled by outsourcing care to another woman who lacks the same opportunity. Increasing employment across an undifferentiated category of women cannot automatically resolve that relationship.

Motherhood can also organize politics

Biroli does not make motherhood only a private obstacle. It may become a basis for organizing against racial violence and for adequate conditions of life. The issue is not whether people can abandon every caring relationship to qualify as citizens, but whether democracy provides caregivers with resources and authority.

The article offers theoretical argument and empirical synthesis, not a randomized causal estimate. Household forms, employment systems and organizing strategies can change the pathways through which responsibilities affect participation.

The Quito Consensus places shared responsibilities and political parity within one agenda. Acker’s theory of gendered organizations examines jobs whose expectation of complete commitment assumes someone else will provide care. Read together, they make democratic inclusion a question of the conditions for entering and remaining, beyond a count of seats occupied.

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