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Black Feminism · Commentary

Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female

Standfirst

Frances M. Beal connects low-paid work, racism and reproductive control while refusing to postpone women’s liberation until male authority is restored.

FemRes / 1969
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Article analysis

Black women’s liberation cannot wait until Black men recover an authority denied them. Frances M. Beal’s 1969 “Double Jeopardy” connects racism, capitalism and gender domination. Its argument exceeds adding two disadvantages: it asks how one economic arrangement makes women support households while blaming them for supposedly displacing men.

Whose labor supports the ideal family?

The white middle-class model of a male breadwinner and a wife at home cannot supply a universal goal for Black families. Black women have long had to work while being concentrated in poorly paid and insecure jobs. The housewife ideal neither describes that reality nor recognizes their economic contribution. It can instead turn that contribution into evidence of failed gender order.

Beal rejects the proposal that women retreat into domestic dependence to compensate for men’s racial oppression. Yet her own disparagement of dependent housewives also needs questioning. Rejecting forced dependence should not make paid employment the only recognized contribution. A criticism of enforced dependency must also account for unpaid care, illness and unequal access to employment.

Reproductive freedom works in both directions

The essay places coercive sterilization alongside barriers to contraception and abortion. A racist history of population control cannot justify requiring women to prove community loyalty by bearing children. Poverty reduction cannot justify deciding on their behalf that they should have none. Bodily autonomy includes both decisions and the material conditions under which a family’s future becomes possible.

The Combahee River Collective statement develops autonomous organizing against interlocking oppression. Reproductive justice scholarship elaborates the relationship between having children, not having them and raising them safely. Beal intervenes in debates of 1969; her historical claims are not current prevalence data. Her refusal to rank liberation struggles nevertheless offers a sharp test of any politics that asks women to defer their own freedom.

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Continue following this issue

01
Further reading / 1979

The Combahee River Collective Statement

Combahee River Collective

02
Further reading / February 13, 1904

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Further reading / March 6, 2011

Blackening Feminism

Sueli Carneiro

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