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Violence Against Women · Research

Feminist Contributions to the Study of Gender Violence

Contribuições feministas para o estudo da violência de gênero

Saffioti distinguishes gender, domestic and intrafamilial violence, explaining how patriarchal authority operates through delegated power and everyday relations.

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Research notes

Does patriarchy exist only when a man personally commits violence? Heleieth Saffioti’s 2001 paper examines an order that can be delegated, maintained by others and enforced without its principal authority being present. She rejects both portraying victims as entirely incapable of action and denying structural injury because women resist it.

Violence can be delegated

Saffioti discusses Raise the Red Lantern to explain patriarchal authority. The order disciplining wives operates through other household members and servants as well as the master himself. Women can help enforce this authority without men and women, as social groups, occupying symmetrical positions of domination. Who performs a particular act and who benefits from an enduring arrangement are questions that must be asked together.

The Portuguese paper uses domination–exploitation to resist separating political control from economic relations. Household commands, the use of labor and bodies, and apparently natural everyday authority are not unrelated domains. An account of violence must therefore ask more than whether an aggressor has a bad temper. What relationships authorize punishment, extraction or preventing somebody from leaving?

Different names draw different boundaries

Gender violence, violence against women, domestic violence and intrafamilial violence are not interchangeable in Saffioti’s account. Gender violence names a broader relational concept. Intrafamilial violence concerns family relationships, while domestic violence can also involve others sharing the domestic space. Boundaries of place, relationship and victim group do not coincide; keeping distinctions visible prevents some harms from disappearing during classification.

The distinction has political consequences. Moving out does not necessarily end violence, and privacy is not a self-evident boundary beyond which the state has no responsibility. However, the paper’s legal examples belong to its Brazilian context in 2001, not a statement of current law. Its more durable contribution concerns whom categories exclude and how treating abuse as a family matter can insulate power from scrutiny.

Victimization and agency can coexist

Saffioti criticizes explanations fixing women in helplessness while stressing that leaving a violent intimate relationship often requires outside support. Resistance may exist without stopping violence. Remaining in a relationship cannot simply be equated with consenting to abuse. Holding structural victimization and agency together prevents the question of why she does not leave from displacing economic dependence, risk and access to assistance.

The paper also argues against presenting feminism as a single explanatory model. Its internal disagreements merit attention without requiring acceptance of every characterization of another feminist current. Making patriarchal order central still demands specific inquiry into how race, class, age and institutions shape violence. Patriarchy should not become a final answer that needs no explanation.

Kim’s discussion of carceral feminism and transformative justice extends the question toward the form of state intervention and whether punishment necessarily produces safety. Japan’s survey of violence experiences shifts attention to behavioral categories, help-seeking and denominators: how do conceptual distinctions alter which harms can actually be recorded?

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